1. 求：一篇高中生英語5分鍾演講稿，內容有關名人軼事的！謝謝！
Franklin D. Roosevelt: The Four Freedoms
Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word 「unprecedented」 because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these—the four-year war between the States—ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the Principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition—clear, definite opposition—to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days ring the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914—ninety-nine years—no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.
The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world—assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.
During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional ty to 「give to the Congress information of the state of the union,」 I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere—yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature— and, incidentally, untrue—for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator』s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion—or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe—particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.
The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their pes—and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America.
As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility—great accountability.
The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily—almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on the line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament proction. Leaders of instry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schele; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases—and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress ring the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of proction with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schele in turning out finished airplanes.
We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schele in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schele.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime proction of implements of peace to a basis of wartime proction of implements of war is no small task. The greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars』 worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can proce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators—if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency—almost as serious as war itself--demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their indivial stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide rection of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called 「new order」 of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
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2. 高中英語作文範文帶翻譯：名人是否應該擁有隱私
What is the best selling paper in the world? The answer is amusement newspaper. When people are having a chat, they always talk about the celebrity, it has become part of our life. People like to chase after the famous person, they even treat them as their idols, as fans, they want to know everything about their idols. So the journalists like to peep at the celebrity』s private life, they want to expose everything about them, so the paper can sell more. As celebrities, they condemn the journalists』 behavior, they call on the public to give them more private space. Though they are celebrities, they should have space, the public should let them take a breath. When they are in the public, the journalists can shot whatever they want, while the celebrity goes home, the journalists should not follow celebrities any more, because they are off work.
什麼是世界上最好的報紙？答案是娛樂報紙。當人們聊天的時候，他們總是談論名人，這已經成為了我們生活的一部分。人們喜歡追名人，他們甚至把名人看成了自己的偶像，作為粉絲，他們想要了解偶像的一切。因此記者喜歡窺見名人的私人生活，他們想要揭露明星的一切，以讓報紙賣得更好。作為名人，他們譴責記者的行為，號召大眾給予他們私人空間。雖然是名人，他們應該有空間，大眾應該讓他們喘息。當他們在公共場所的時候，記者隨便拍，然而當名人回家的時候，記者不應該再跟著，因為明星已經下班了。
【希望能夠採納】
3. 高中英語作文 我崇拜的一位女性名人
In my heart, there always exists a woman I admire since I was a primary studnt. She is the word famous physical
scientist----Marie
Curie. The reasons why I admire her is not only for she had won the Nobel Prize
1/5
two times ring her lifetime, but also for she owns the social effects which other women don't have. Her experience has been encouraging thousands of people up to now.
What she impressed me best is the
2/5
discovery of the two elements, namey the radium and polonium. Maybe someone will say that it is just like a piece of cake, however, it took her three years to discover them, which promoted the development of the radiological chemistry.
3/5
During the process, it was her willpower that brought success to her. Therefore, I've learnt much from her, that is the spirit never saying giving up. I think that I will treat her like my spiritual leader, reminding me of making every effort
4/5
on my study.
4. 人教版高中英語必修一第五單元的名人介紹。求翻譯啊！速度！
我叫伊萊亞斯。我是南非的一個貧窮的黑人工人。第一次見到納爾遜曼德拉回的時候，是我答一聲中非常艱難的時期。（當時）我才12歲，那是在1952年，曼德拉是我尋求幫助的一位黑人律師。他為那些窮苦黑人提供法律指導。他十分慷慨地給予我時間，我為此非常感激。
由於我所受的教育很少，因此我需要他的幫助。我六歲開始上學，我僅僅在那裡上了兩年學的學校有三公里遠。我不得不輟學，因為我的家庭無法繼續支付學費和交通費。我既不太會讀，也不會寫。幾經周折，我在一家金礦找到一份工作。然而，那個時候要想住在約翰內斯堡就得要有身份證。～續
5. 我最喜歡的名人高中英語作文
In my heart, there always exists a woman I admire since I was a primary studnt. She is the word famous physical
scientist----Marie
Curie. The reasons why I admire her is not only for she had won the Nobel Prize
1/5
two times ring her lifetime, but also for she owns the social effects which other women don't have. Her experience has been encouraging thousands of people up to now.
What she impressed me best is the
2/5
discovery of the two elements, namey the radium and polonium. Maybe someone will say that it is just like a piece of cake, however, it took her three years to discover them, which promoted the development of the radiological chemistry.
3/5
During the process, it was her willpower that brought success to her. Therefore, I've learnt much from her, that is the spirit never saying giving up. I think that I will treat her like my spiritual leader, reminding me of making every effort
4/5
on my study.
6. 高中英語作文中常用的名人名言
英語名人名言
What's in a name? That which we call a rose by any other name would smell as sweet.
名稱有什麼關系呢？玫瑰不叫玫瑰，依然芳香如故。——Shakespeare
There is but one step from the sublime to the ridiculous.
崇高與荒謬僅一步之遙。——Napoleon
Even when the experts all agree, they may well be mistaken.
即使所有的專家都一致贊同，他們可能也錯了。——Bertrand Russell
Sometimes the most urgent and vital thing you can possibly do is take a complete rest.
有時候你能做的最緊急重要的事情就是徹底休息。——Ashleigh Brilliant
Little drops of water, little grains of sand, make the mighty ocean and the pleasant land.
滴滴小水珠，顆顆小沙粒，會形成浩瀚的海洋與宜人的土地。——Julia Carney
Even the weariest river winds somewhere safe to sea.
即使是最疲憊的河流，歷經曲折，也終會安然入海。 ——Swinburne
The history of mankind is the history of ideas.
人類的歷史就是思想的歷史。——Ludwig Von Mises
To believe with certainty,we must begin with doubting.
要完全相信，我們首先得懷疑。——Stanislaus
Give a man a fish, and you feed him for a day. Teach a man to fish, and you get rid of him on the weekends.
給他一條魚，你可以喂他一天；教他釣魚，他周末就不會再來纏你了。——Gary Apple
True science teaches, above all, to doubt and be ignorant.
真正的科學首先教人懷疑和知道自己無知。——Miguel de Unamuno
Truth has no special time of it's own. Its hour is now always.
真理沒有自己特定的時間段。它的時間永遠是現在。——A.Schweitzer
Growing old is not upsetting; being perceived as old is.
越來越老並不可怕，可怕的是讓人覺得越來越老。——Kenny Rogers
Without libraries what have we? We have no past and no future.
如果沒有了圖書館，我們還有什麼呢？我們沒有了過去也沒有了未來。——Kay Bradbury
Scientific knowledge aims at being wholly impersonal.
科學知識要求完全不受個人感情的影響。——Bertrand Russell
Nothing in life is to be feared. It is only to be understood.
生活中沒有可怕的東西，只有應去了解的東西。——Marie Curie
Truth is beautiful. Withoutdoubt; and so are lies.
真理是美的；毫無疑問，謊言也是如此。——Emerson.
Nature never deceives us; it is always us who deceive ourselves.
大自然永遠不會欺騙我們，欺騙我們的往往是我們自己。——Rousseau
You can never plan the future by the past.
永遠也不能依照過去來計劃將來。 ——Burke
Time is a versatile performer. It flies, marches on, heals all wounds, runs out and will tell.
時間是個多才多藝的表演者。它能展翅飛翔，能闊步前進，能治癒創傷，能消逝而去，也能揭示真相。——Franklin P.Jones
The first in time and the first in importance of the influences upon the mind is that of nature.
在所有頭腦的影響之中，大自然的影響可謂是在時間上最先，在作用上最為重要的——Emerson
Death…is no more than passing from one room into another.
死亡只不過是從一個房間進入另一個房間。——Helen Keller
Important principles may and must be flexible.
重要的原則能夠也必須是靈活的。——Abraham Lincoln
That is the essence of science: ask an impertinent question, and you are on the way to the pertinent answer.
科學的本質是：問一個不恰當的問題，於是走上了通往恰當答案的路。——Jacob Bronowski
The danger of the past was that men became slaves. The danger of the future is that men may become robots.
在過去人們面臨的危險是變成奴隸，而在將來危險是人類可能變成機器人。——Erich Fromm
Knowledge is a treasure, but practice is the key to it.
知識是一寶庫，而實踐就是開啟寶庫大門的鑰匙。——Fuller
The Golden Rule is that there are no golden rules.
真正的金科玉律就是世上並無金科玉律。——G.B.Shaw
The lover of nature is he whose inward and outward senses are still truly adjusted to each other; who has retained the spirit of infancy even into the era of manhood.
熱愛大自然的人內外感覺協調一致，即使進入成年後依然保持著童心。——Emerson
Ten men banded together in love can do what ten thousand separately would fail in.
以愛心聚在一起的十個人能夠完成一萬個分散的人做不到的事情。——Thomas Carlyle
Imagination is not to be divorced from the facts.
想像不應脫離現實。——A.N. Whitehead
There are two sides to every story ... at least.
每個故事都可以從兩個方面看，至少兩個方面。——Ann Landers
Today is not yesterday. We ourselves change. How then can our works and thoughts, if they are always to be fittest, continue always the same?
今天不同於昨天。我們自己也在改變。那麼，我們的著作和思想，如果想永遠不過時，怎麼能始終不改變呢？ ——Thomas Carlyle
Love alone can release the power of the atom so it will work for man and not against him.
只有愛才能使原子的力量造福人類，而非危害人類。——W. A. Peterson
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Life is long if you know how to use it.
如能善於利用，生命乃長。——Seneca
The greatest friend of truth is time, her greatest enemy is prejudice, and her constant companion is humility.
真理最偉大的朋友是時間，其最大的敵人是偏見，其永遠的同伴是謙遜。——C. C
One must wait until the evening to see how splendid the day has been.
直到夜幕降臨，人們才知白晝的輝煌。——Sophocles
Smooth runs the water where the brook is deep.
靜水流深。——Shakespeare
What is a weed? —A plant whose virtues have not been discovered.
什麼是雜草？——雜草是一種利用價值尚未被發現的植物。——Emerson
The man of science does not discover in order to know; he wants to know in order to discover.
科學家並非為了知道什麼而尋求發現；他們是為了有所發現而想知道什麼——A. N. Whitehead
Animals are such agreeable friends—they ask no questions, they pass no criticisms.
動物是如此怡人的朋友，它們不問任何問題，也不提出批評。——George Eliot
Heaven knows what seeming nonsense may not tomorrow be demonstrated truth.
天知道今天看來是胡言亂語的東西明天會不會被證明是真理呢？ ——A. N. Whitehead
7. 我急求一篇適合高中生獲獎演講稿！！！！英語的~~~！！謝謝！！最好是名人的！！！大約3分鍾
關於成長的哈Man』s life is a process of growing up
Man』s life is a process of growing up, actually I』m standing here is a growth. If a person』s life must constituted by various choices, then I grow up along with these choices. Once I hope I can study in a college in future, however that』s passed, as you know I come here, now I wonder what the future holds for (= what will happen to) me.
When I come to this school, I told to myself: this my near future, all starts here. Following I will learn to become a man, a integrated man, who has a fine body, can take on important task, has independent thought, an open mind, intensive thought, has the ability to judge right and wrong, has a perfect job.
Once my teacher said :」 you are not sewing, you are stylist; never forget which you should lay out to people is your thought, not craft.」 I will put my personality with my interest and ability into my study, ring these process I will combine learning with doing. If I can achieve this 「」, I think that I really grow up. And I deeply believe kindred, good-fellowship and love will perfection and happy in the future.
How to say future? Maybe it』s a nice wish. Lets make up our minds, stick to it and surely well enjoy our life.